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Notes from Underground

  And, indeed, I will ask on my own account here, an idle question: which is better—cheap happiness or exalted sufferings? Well, which is better?---Fyodor Dostoevsky ---Notes from Underground Fyodor Dostoevsky ---Notes from Underground Even now, so many years later, all this is somehow a very evil memory. I have many evil memories now, but ... hadn’t I better end my “Notes” here? I believe I made a mistake in beginning to write them, anyway I have felt ashamed all the time I’ve been writing this story; so it’s hardly literature so much as a corrective punishment.  Why, to tell long stories, showing how I have spoiled my life through morally rotting in my corner, through lack of fitting environment, through divorce from real life, and rankling spite in my underground world, would certainly not be interesting; a novel needs a hero, and all the traits for an anti-hero are expressly gathered together here, and what matters most, it all produces an unpleasant impression, for we are...

Hope

To be human is to be a miracle of evolution conscious of its own miraculousness — a consciousness beautiful and bittersweet, for we have paid for it with a parallel awareness not only of our fundamental improbability but of our staggering fragility, of how physiologically precarious our survival is and how psychologically vulnerable our sanity. To make that awareness bearable, we have evolved a singular faculty that might just be the crowning miracle of our consciousness: hope.-- Erich Fromm


THE ACT OF KILLING (2012)


 

Mirrors of Massacre:
The Surreal Performance of Impunity

Joshua Oppenheimer's documentary is the the most surreal and bizarre film experiences  I have ever witnessed. One of the most audacious documentaries ever made , the best documentary ever made


A documentary about the aftermath of the 1960s mass killings in Indonesia by Suharto's coup-installed military regime and death squads, The Act of Killing spirals into horrifying surrealism from a seemingly simple starting point: in this case, interviewing some of the paramilitary leaders and self-described "gangsters" employed to eradicate anyone deemed a "communist"-- in practice almost anyone not loyal to the new regime. 
The surprise is that these men are eager to tell their tales, often indulging in graphic detail to describe, for example, the best means of murdering captives without spilling much blood (with a wire around the neck). 




They even enjoy reenacting their state-sanctioned murders on camera, at director Joshua Oppenheimer's invitation, adopting the lurid styles of the Hollywood crime films that influenced them back in the day. We see the rotund, disheveled Herman Koto and the slender, debonair Anwar Congo-- the latter responsible for more than 1,000 murders, many carried out with that wire-strangling technique-- searching neighborhoods they once attacked for locals to play parts in a reenactment.


"A good family movie , plenty of humor" says Anwar Congo after watching some previously made scenes.

One of the leaders of paramilitary movement and minister in Indonesian government after himself participating in one of the scenes  trying to explain to Joshua that movement is not actually that brutal as in previous scene continues saying :
"But we must exterminates Communists.We must totally wipe them out. But in more human way"



"It's powerful, surreal, frightening," says Herzog, an executive producer of the film along with Morris. The most surreal moments you've ever seen in your life. It's something completely and utterly unprecedented. It's not gonna leave you until the end of your days."

 





The Anatomy of an Unpunished Crime

To understand the film's profound tension, you have to understand the sociopolitical landscape Oppenheimer stepped into. Following a failed military coup in 1965, paramilitary groups and gangsters slaughtered over 500,000 alleged communists, ethnic Chinese, and intellectuals. Unlike the Nazis or the Khmer Rouge, these killers won, stayed in power, and never faced justice.

The central figure is Anwar Congo, a grandfatherly, charismatic man who was a mid-level executioner in 1965. He began his career selling black-market movie tickets, modeling his persona on Hollywood gangsters. When the killings began, he employed the brutal efficiency he saw on screen, preferring to garrote his victims with wire to minimize the blood and mess.






The Weird Genius of “The Act of Killing”
Oppenheimer struck upon an audacious and bizarre storytelling device: he invited Congo and several of his fellow-executioners to make their own movie about the purge, telling the story through dramatic reënactments of their devising, in which they would portray not only themselves but also people they interrogated, tortured, and killed. >>>





While Werner Herzog joined The Act of Killing as an executive producer after a fine cut of the film had already been assembled, his creative, structural, and philosophical fingerprints are all over the final masterpiece. Rather than acting as a passive celebrity endorsement, Herzog became a vocal guardian of the film's most uncompromising creative choices.

1. Guarding the Edit: The Battle for the Director’s Cut

When Director Joshua Oppenheimer first showed Herzog a rough cut, Herzog was astonished, calling it "unprecedented in the history of cinema".

However, because of the realities of theatrical distribution and television broadcasting, Oppenheimer faced immense pressure to cut the film down from its 159-minute runtime to a tighter, two-hour edit.

  • Herzog’s Protest: When Oppenheimer discussed the cuts, Herzog was vehemently opposed, calling the act of editing down the long version "a crime". He urged Oppenheimer to fight for the integrity of the longer version, famously stating: "You have not seen The Act of Killing until you see the director’s cut."

  • The Invaluable Scene: During editing, Oppenheimer considered removing certain haunting, slower-paced sequences to save time. Herzog famously intervened, warning him that if he cut those specific, devastating moments, "his life would have been in vain." His fierce defense of the film's pacing allowed the slow-burning psychological horror of the killers' minds to fully breathe.

2. Thematic Alignment: The Ultimate "Ecstatic Truth"

Herzog’s most profound influence on The Act of Killing is thematic and philosophical. For decades, Herzog has championed the concept of "ecstatic truth"—the idea that traditional documentaries rely too heavily on dry facts (what he calls "accountant’s truth"). He argues that the deepest poetic and emotional truths can only be reached through fabrication, imagination, and stylization.

Oppenheimer’s methodology—allowing genocidaires to script and stage their own cinematic delusions—is perhaps the purest realization of Herzog's "ecstatic truth" ever captured on film. The theatricality does not obscure the reality; it is the only key capable of unlocking the terrifying psychological reality of the perpetrators.

3. Defining the Narrative: "Escaped Justice, Not Punishment"

Herzog also provided the framing that helps audiences digest the film's devastating climax. When reflecting on the physical, visceral breakdown of Anwar Congo on the rooftop, Herzog summarized the film's tragic soul in a single sentence:

"These men have escaped justice, but they have not escaped punishment."

This perspective helped shape how the film was positioned globally. It shifted the narrative from a simple, outrage-driven activist documentary into a timeless, tragic exploration of guilt, denial, and the somatic rebellion of the human conscience.


PART2
Joshua Oppenheimer’s The Look of Silence is a stunning companion piece, or possibly narrative development, to  The Act Of Killing. 




















































Anwar Congo (1937–2019) is one of the most chillingly complex figures in modern documentary history. A former Indonesian preman (gangster/thug), he became globally notorious as the central subject of Joshua Oppenheimer’s groundbreaking, Oscar-nominated 2012 documentary The Act of Killing.

During the Indonesian mass killings of 1965–66, Congo evolved from a street-level criminal into a prominent death squad leader. He personally executed an estimated 1,000 alleged communists, leftists, and ethnic Chinese individuals in Medan, North Sumatra.

What makes Congo’s legacy unique—and deeply unsettling—is the intersection of historical impunity, pop culture, and psychological decay.

The Cinema Connection

Before the 1965 purges, Congo made his living as a black-market ticket scalper outside a movie theater in Medan. He was deeply infatuated with mid-century Hollywood cinema—specifically film noir, American gangster flicks, and John Wayne westerns.

When the military-backed genocide began, Congo and his fellow "cinema thugs" directly transposed Hollywood tropes onto real-world mass murder. Congo famously recounted how he hated stabbing or beating victims because it left too much blood to clean up. Inspired by the gangster movies he loved, he devised a systematic technique to strangle prisoners with wire attached to wooden handles, minimizing the mess while keeping execution rates remarkably efficient.

The Surrealism of Impunity

Unlike perpetrators of the Holocaust or the Rwandan genocide, the killers in Indonesia won the political conflict and remained in power, integrated into dominant right-wing paramilitary groups like the Pancasila Youth. Because they were officially celebrated as national heroes who saved the country from communism, they felt no need to hide their past. They openly boasted about their crimes.

Oppenheimer leveraged this absolute lack of shame into a brilliant, surreal cinematic framework: he invited Congo and his associates to write, direct, and star in dramatized reenactments of their real-life atrocities, using whatever movie genres they preferred. Congo eagerly agreed, staging lavish musical numbers, campy western standoffs, and moody film noir interrogation scenes to depict his past.

The Psychological Rupture

While his accomplices viewed the filmmaking process as a grand ego trip, the camera inadvertently acted as a psychological trap for Congo. Throughout The Act of Killing, his boastfulness begins to clash violently with a deeply buried, long-repressed trauma. He mentions being perpetually haunted by nightmares of his victims staring back at him with open eyes.

The climax of the film tracks a profound psychological rupture. While filming a scene where he portrays a generic interrogation victim being choked and terrorized, the wall of cinematic fiction collapses. Congo is suddenly forced to internalize the terror he inflicted upon hundreds of people.

In the final, haunting sequence of the documentary, Congo returns to the rooftop where he performed his mass executions. Standing on the concrete where he once danced the cha-cha-cha, he is suddenly gripped by severe, uncontrollable dry-heaving. His body physically rejects the heroic, patriotic narrative he spent fifty years telling himself, leaving him broken in front of the lens.







The 1965–66 Indonesian mass killings represent one of the most devastating, yet historically obscured, mass atrocities of the 20th century. Over a span of just a few months, an estimated 500,000 to over 1 million people were systematically murdered.

The primary targets were members, sympathizers, or alleged affiliates of the PKI (Partai Komunis Indonesia)—the Indonesian Communist Party—which at the time was the largest non-governing communist party in the world. However, the violence quickly expanded to sweep up labor unionists, leftists, ethnic Chinese Indonesians, and traditionalists.

Historical photographs from the period document the scale of the operations, showing thousands of civilians rounded up by military personnel. Beyond those who were killed, hundreds of thousands of others were sent to political prison camps without trial, where they faced years of torture, starvation, and forced labor.

The Trigger: The September 30 Movement (G30S)

To understand how the country fractured so quickly, you have to look at the tense political climate of 1965. Indonesia's first president, Sukarno, maintained power by balancing three powerful, opposing forces: the nationalist military, conservative Islamic organizations, and the massive PKI.

Everything shattered on the night of September 30, 1965. A group of mid-level military officers calling themselves the September 30 Movement (G30S) kidnapped and executed six top anti-communist army generals in a botched coup attempt.

While the exact internal mechanics and mastermind of G30S remain heavily debated by historians, a rising, little-known general named Suharto quickly stepped into the power vacuum. He seized control of the military, banned independent media outlets, and pinned the entire coup plot squarely on the PKI.

How the Violence Spread

The military launched an aggressive propaganda campaign, painting communists as godless, barbaric traitors who were actively preparing lists of citizens to slaughter. This manufactured panic unleashed an immediate wave of violence.

The killings were unique because they were not just standard military operations; they relied heavily on civilian death squads and local militias. The army provided logistics, weapons, and hit lists, while local youth groups, criminal gangs, and religious organizations carried out much of the physical violence up close.

As modern demographic and spatial data maps illustrate, the intensity of the massacres closely correlated with existing political and social friction points. In regions like Central and East Java, where rivalry ran hot between the PKI and conservative or religious parties (like Nahdlatul Ulama), the population drop was severe. The violence also tore violently through Bali and Northern Sumatra, completely wiping out entire villages.

The Cold War Backdrop

This wasn't happening in isolation. At the height of the Cold War, Western powers like the United States, Great Britain, and Australia viewed Indonesia’s massive communist presence with deep anxiety.

Declassified Western diplomatic files have since confirmed that Western governments were highly aware of the slaughter as it happened. Instead of intervening, the U.S. covertly supported the Indonesian military by providing communications equipment, monetary aid, and even tracking lists of high-level PKI operatives to help the army systematically dismantle the party infrastructure.

The Legacy of the "New Order"

By mid-1966, the PKI was completely eradicated, and President Sukarno was stripped of his power. Suharto formally established his "New Order" regime, an authoritarian, staunchly anti-communist dictatorship that ruled Indonesia for the next 32 years.

Under Suharto, a strict wall of silence was built around the genocide:

  • The massacres were completely omitted or rewritten in school textbooks, framing the military and death squads as heroic saviors of the nation.

  • Survivors and families of victims were heavily stigmatized, branded with "communist" markers on their identity cards, and legally barred from government jobs.

It wasn't until Suharto’s fall in 1998 that Indonesians could finally begin exploring this history openly. Documentaries like Joshua Oppenheimer's The Act of Killing (2012) and The Look of Silence (2014) brought international awareness to the tragedy, showcasing how many of the perpetrators still live openly today as powerful, unpunished figures.